Skip to main content

A Rabbi Against the State: When Faith Refuses Power



In a world where identity is weaponized and religion is drafted into political armies, the sight of an ultra-Orthodox rabbi standing beside Palestinian flags unsettles nearly everyone.

Yet there stands — black coat, beard, sidelocks — calmly declaring something that scrambles modern assumptions:

Judaism is not Zionism.”

For him, this is not rebellion. It is obedience.

Affiliated with , a small and highly controversial Haredi sect, Rabbi Beck represents a theological current that predates modern nationalism. His argument is not secular. It is not progressive. It is not post-modern.

It is ancient.

And that is precisely the point.


The Interview That Disturbs Categories

In one widely circulated long-form interview, the exchange unfolds with almost disarming simplicity.

Interviewer: Rabbi Beck, how can you oppose Israel as a Jewish rabbi?

Rabbi Beck: Judaism and Zionism are two completely different things. Judaism is a religion. Zionism is a political movement founded little more than a century ago. According to our Torah, the Jewish people were sent into exile by God, and we are forbidden to establish sovereignty before the coming of the Messiah.

It is a statement that slices through contemporary discourse. In a world that equates Jewish identity with statehood, he separates covenant from nationalism.

The interviewer presses further.

Interviewer: But many say Israel protects Jews.

Rabbi Beck: Safety does not come from tanks and weapons. Look at the region today. Where there is conflict, there is danger. Jews lived for centuries in Muslim lands. The problem is not religion. The problem is occupation and nationalism.

Here, Beck introduces the theological axis of his argument: security built on force is not redemption. Power, he suggests, cannot sanctify itself.




Zionism and the Question of Redemption

Modern political Zionism emerged in 19th-century Europe, shaped by figures like , who believed Jewish survival required sovereignty. After centuries of persecution, the logic was clear: without a state, Jews would remain vulnerable.

Beck’s theology asks a different question:

What if survival through power is not redemption?

What if exile itself — however painful — is divinely ordained?

According to the Neturei Karta interpretation of Torah, Jewish exile was decreed by God. Establishing sovereignty through force before the Messiah is viewed not as fulfillment — but as defiance.

In this framing, Zionism did not save Judaism.
It replaced it with nationalism.




The Most Uncomfortable Exchange

Interviewer: Are you saying Jews should leave Israel?

Rabbi Beck: We are saying the state itself should not exist as a political Zionist project. Jews can live peacefully anywhere — including Palestine — but not as a ruling nationalist entity over another people.

This is where his position becomes incendiary.

He is not calling for Jewish erasure.
He is calling for the dismantling of a political structure he believes contradicts divine law.

Critics immediately respond: Neturei Karta is fringe. It does not represent mainstream Jewish thought. Many Jewish institutions strongly reject its activism and alliances. Even other ultra-Orthodox anti-Zionist communities distance themselves from its tactics.

Beck does not deny this.

Interviewer: You don’t represent all Jews.

Rabbi Beck: We do not claim to. But our position is rooted in classical Torah sources. We oppose antisemitism absolutely. At the same time, criticism of Zionism is not antisemitism.

That distinction — fiercely defended by him — is the nerve center of his activism.


Disrupting the Simplifications

Contemporary political language thrives on binaries:

  • Pro-Israel = Pro-Jewish
  • Anti-Zionist = Antisemitic
  • Religious Jew = Defender of the State

Rabbi Beck collapses those equations.

His presence at pro-Palestinian demonstrations disrupts the framing of the conflict as Jew versus Muslim. It forces an inconvenient recognition: Jewish thought is not monolithic. Within Judaism itself exist profound debates about exile, redemption, power, and moral responsibility.

And yet, his position is deeply controversial. Many Jews view it as dangerously naive in a world where antisemitism persists. To them, statehood is not theological rebellion — it is historical necessity.

This tension is real.
And it cannot be dismissed lightly.


The Message Beyond Politics

In the interview’s closing moments, the interviewer asks:

Interviewer: What is your message to Muslims and Palestinians?

Rabbi Beck: Our fight is not with you. We believe Jews and Muslims can live together in peace, as they did historically. The conflict is political, not religious.

It is a striking assertion in an era defined by polarization.

Whether one agrees with him or not, the theological coherence of his worldview is unmistakable. For Beck, Judaism is a covenant — not a flag. A moral discipline — not a sovereign apparatus.


The Uncomfortable Reality

Let us be clear:

Neturei Karta remains a small minority.
Rabbi Beck does not speak for global Jewry.
His movement is widely criticized and often rejected.

But the existence of his voice matters.

Because it exposes a politically inconvenient truth:

Opposition to Israeli state policy does not automatically equal hatred of Jews.

And support for Jewish safety does not require unquestioned endorsement of state power.


When Faith Refuses Power

In an age when religion is frequently recruited to sanctify nationalism, Rabbi Elhanan Beck stands as a paradox:

A man of deep tradition who rejects modern statehood.
A rabbi who insists exile can be sacred.
A Jew who believes sovereignty is not synonymous with salvation.

Whether history vindicates or marginalizes him is a question for another generation.

But his presence forces a question neither side can comfortably ignore:

Is faith meant to justify power — or restrain it?

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

When the Warning Comes from the General Moshe Ya’alon, Jewish Supremacy, and the Echo Nobody Wanted to Hear

History has a cruel sense of irony. Sometimes the most devastating indictments do not come from the oppressed, the bombed, the buried, or the silenced—but from the very architects of power who once swore they were different. This week, that indictment came from Moshe Ya’alon : former Israeli Defense Minister, former IDF Chief of Staff, lifelong pillar of Israel’s security establishment. Not a dissident poet. Not a radical academic. Not a Palestinian survivor. A general. And what he said shattered the last polite illusion. “ The ideology of Jewish supremacy that has become dominant in the Israeli government is reminiscent of Nazi race theory.” Pause there. Sit with it. This was not shouted at a protest . It was not scribbled on a placard. It was written calmly, deliberately, after attending a Holocaust Remembrance ceremony —then reading reports of Jewish settlers attacking Palestinians , blocking ambulances , fracturing skulls , burning homes. Never Again, apparently, now ...

“Not Auschwitz — Yet Still Genocide”: When Israeli Holocaust Historians Break the Silence on Gaza

  There are moments in history when the most unsettling truths do not come from one’s enemies, but from within. From those who know the past most intimately. From those whose moral authority is built not on ideology, but on memory. In December 2025, two of Israel’s most respected Holocaust and genocide scholars— Prof. Daniel Blatman and Prof. Amos Goldberg of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem—published a deeply unsettling opinion article in Haaretz . What they argued was not casual, rhetorical, or activist hyperbole. It was a grave historical judgment. Their conclusion was stark: What is happening in Gaza is not Auschwitz. But it belongs to the same family of crimes: genocide. Why This Voice Matters Blatman and Goldberg are not marginal figures. They are historians whose professional lives have been devoted to studying Nazi crimes, genocide mechanisms, memory, and moral responsibility . Their scholarship is rooted in the very catastrophe that shaped modern Jewish iden...

Even the Dead Are Not Safe: How Power Desecrates Graves and Calls It Security

  There is a final dignity that every civilization, every faith, every moral tradition claims to respect: the dignity of the dead. In Gaza and the West Bank, even that has been revoked. Homes can be flattened. Children can be starved. Hospitals can be reduced to ash. These crimes, we are told, are “tragic necessities.” But graves ? What threat does a corpse pose to a modern army armed with drones , tanks , and nuclear ambiguity ? Apparently, enough to be bulldozed. Graves as Enemy Infrastructure According to detailed reporting by Al Jazeera , Israeli forces in Gaza did not merely fight the living — they waged war on cemeteries . Tombstones were crushed. Graves were excavated . Human remains were scattered, mixed, lost . Families returned not to mourning, but to forensic horror: bones without names, names without bodies. This was not collateral damage . This was not crossfire. This was methodical excavation . Heavy machinery was deployed to retrieve the body of one ...

Don’t Spoil the Show: Gaza, Davos, and the Business Class of Peace

There is a rule at Davos—unwritten, but strictly enforced. Reality is bad for business. Yossi Alpher learned this the hard way. Sitting on a panel at a luxury resort near the Dead Sea, surrounded by ministers, executives, and conflict “experts,” he made the unforgivable mistake of speaking honestly. Grim facts. Grim assessments. No PowerPoint optimism. No Riviera renderings. No applause. A prominent Israeli industrialist later pulled him aside and explained the crime: “ Don’t spoil the show . The idea is to radiate optimism that nourishes an investment climate . It’s all about business. No room for realism .” That sentence may be the most accurate peace-process doctrine of the 21st century. Phase II: Now With Billionaires Fast forward to Davos again. This time, the stage is Gaza—or rather, Gaza™ , the investment opportunity. Trump’s “Board of Peace,” staffed by billionaires and brand managers of global destruction , announces Phase II of a Gaza peace plan with all the s...

Noam Chomsky and the Silence That Broke a Generation

There are betrayals that anger us. And then there are betrayals that leave us quiet. Noam Chomsky belongs to the second kind. For more than half a century, Chomsky stood as a moral compass in an age without direction . He taught generations how power lies, how empires manufacture consent, how language itself becomes a weapon in the hands of elites. He spoke for the voiceless when it was costly, unfashionable, and dangerous . For many of us, he was not merely an intellectual —he was a refuge . Proof that clarity could survive corruption. Proof that integrity could endure. Which is why this moment does not feel like scandal . It feels like mourning . Chris Hedges is right to frame the association between Noam Chomsky and Jeffrey Epstein not as gossip or moral theater, but as a rupture —a crack in something we believed was unbreakable . Epstein was not simply a criminal. He was the embodiment of everything Chomsky spent his life exposing : elite impunity, predation disguised as ...